To disseminate facts and other information related to capital punishment with particular reference to the State of Alabama and the grave concerns raised by the American Bar Association and others regarding its priciple and practice, which at this point have been ingnored by our state officials.

Tuesday, October 11, 2011

Inaccuracies in Forensic Testing

*I am pleased to post an article written by Allison Gamble for Life and Death Matters. She is a contributing writer for forensicpsychology.net and has published extensively on forensics in death penalty and other cases.  Allison has been a curious student of psychology since high school.  She brings her understanding of the mind to work in the weird world of internet marketing.
Within the criminal justice system, a few fundamental problems cause most wrongful convictions in courtrooms all across the country. Unarguably, the most common among these issues are inaccuracies in forensic testing. Trial transcripts cannot tell us whether prosecutors sought to use invalid forensic evidence, but they do show forensic testimony and physical forensic evidence are heavily relied upon during evidence presentations. In a number of trials studied, defense attorneys rarely made any objections when invalid forensic evidence was presented. There is need for reform in the use of forensic evidence that should include enforceable national standards to govern the collection and interpretation of forensic data.
Among 156 exonerated men in the aforementioned study, 60 percent had invalid scientific testimony at their trials. The invalid testimony primarily involved serological analysis and microscopic hair comparison, but also involved bite mark, shoe print, and fingerprint comparisons. The study did not just involve a few forensic analysts in a small number of states. These wrongful convictions were from 72 forensic analysts employed by 52 forensic labs or medical practices in 25 states. All of these trials involved serious charges such as rape and murder, and ten of the trials resulted in death sentences.


One of the forensic examiners in the study made conclusions based on probability when comparing hair samples found at a crime scene. The examiner had no empirical data on which to base these guesses, yet was able to state the hair from the defendant was similar to one from the crime scene. When the examiner was questioned, she admitted she had no statistics by which to compare the sample. It was just her personal opinion.


In the case of Arizona v. Ray Krone, a death penalty conviction resulted from faulty bite mark evidence. Forensic examiners compared bite marks by manipulating photographs to match the bite mark of the victim to impressions from Krone's teeth. Upon appeal, the bite mark evidence was found to be faulty. He was exonerated from the crime after DNA testing identified DNA markers found on the victim's body that did not match Krone's DNA.
At least three convictions have been overturned because of faulty ballistec evidence. In the case of Maryland v. Kulbici, firearms evidence conflicted with every assertion the prosecutors made at trial. There was no evidence of the defendant's gun being recently fired, yet the prosecutor claimed the defendant had just cleaned the gun to hide his crime. Additionally, there was a 30 percent disparity between the striations on the bullet that killed the victim and the striations from the defendant's firearm. The forensic testimony called the two a match, without showing proper data to support that claim. The evidence led to a murder conviction, which was later overturned.


In a case involving fingerprint evidence, the FBI arrested Brandon Mayfield for the Madrid train bombing of 2004. He was identified as the source of a fingerprint taken from a bag of detonators found close to the crime scene. After assigning three of its expert fingerprint examiners to the case, the FBI declared a 100-percent match to Mayfield. The Spanish National Police disagreed with the finding, and declared a match to a man named Ouhnane Daoud. As it turned out, the Spanish authorities were correct, and the FBI withdrew its findings and released Mayfield.


Blood and saliva samples are often used to compare DNA markers to identify assailants. It's commonly thought that DNA technology has solved the problem of invalid forensic testimony. Although it has replaced some traditional forensic methods used to solve criminal cases, most cases are solved without DNA evidence. Further, DNA testing is not immune to inaccurate results. However, since courts routinely deny funding to defense experts, these analysts are not usually cross examined, and the validity of DNA evidence often goes unquestioned.


Often the fault lies with the testimony of experts hired to present forensic evidence. Evidence can be manipulated by the expert testimony of people who are simply embellishing on what the evidence suggests, and these experts aren't being challenged for presenting ambiguous results. There are no regulations to keep these experts in check, and wrongful convictions continue to occur.


If forensic evidence is unreliable, then it has no place in a courtroom. Indigent clients will never be able to challenge inaccuracies in forensic testimony because they simply cannot afford to pay their own experts. This makes the system unequal, and goes against the very fabric of American judicial ideals.


-Allison Gamble


alliegamble812@gmail.com





Tuesday, June 14, 2011

Followers in Ukraine


I am pleased to have so many followers of this blog in Ukraine, a number that almost equals the number of followers in the U.S.  I am not sure why this is but hope that Ukrainians might post comments addressing the reason.  I have also added a Russian translation that may facilitate viewers of this blog in that country.

Thanks for your interest and look forward to your comments.

Robert

Friday, June 3, 2011

Dizzying cost to pursue death penalty


June 3, 2011
By JIM DWYER
In the middle of February, 300 men and women of voting age answered a special summons for jury duty at the federal courthouse in Cadman Plaza in Brooklyn. They were ushered into a grand ceremonial courtroom to see if they might be candidates to serve as jurors in the case of the United States of America v. Vincent Basciano. His nom de mob is Vinny Gorgeous.
Over the next few days, an additional 800 people would be brought to the courtroom for the same purpose. Each was paid the ordinary juror fee of $40 for a day’s service. Multiplied by 1,100 people, the federal government paid $44,000 just to find people who might — possibly, maybe — end up as jurors in the Basciano case.
It was as much a bonfire of cash as a trial, consuming, by reasonable estimates, more than $10 million in public money for a single murder case.
More than a year ago, the federal judge presiding over the case said it would be expensive and futile — that is, a waste of time and money — for the government to seek capital punishment for Mr. Basciano. Whatever happened in the trial, he would never leave prison alive.
As the judge, Nicholas G. Garaufis, pointed out in his letter, Mr. Basciano already was serving life without parole for other crimes “under extremely restrictive conditions in one of the nation’s most secure penal institutions.”
The judge’s letter was received, to no apparent effect. The decision to go for the death penalty had been made by the Justice Department when George W. Bush was president, and ratified by the Obama administration.
The murder trial concerned the shooting, on the orders of Mr. Basciano, of another gangster who had run up many infractions of some code of good mobster behavior. In due course, after other mobsters testified against him, Mr. Basciano was found guilty. This week, the jury voted unanimously that he should serve life without parole.
It took them just two and a half hours to decide that he should not be executed. The jurors filled out an eight-page verdict sheet, and it is worth the attention of people in Washington who make decisions whether to seek the death penalty. The jurors’ decision was rooted in a sense of fairness: all 12 jurors, in deciding against capital punishment, noted that at least three other people had been directly involved in the same murder ordered by Mr. Basciano, and none of them faced execution. The victim was a violent criminal, a circumstance that contributed to his death. And Mr. Basciano would be in a federal “super-max” prison, confined to a cell for 23 hours a day.
“The jurors were able to see this in two and a half hours,” said Richard Jasper, one of Mr. Basciano’s lawyers. “Some of the informants had murdered a whole football team of people. Why was Basciano death-penalty-worthy and these other characters weren’t? Because he didn’t cooperate?”
On the verdict sheet, 10 of the jurors signed onto a handwritten note: “There are other members of organized crime that have admitted to an equal or greater number of serious crimes that are not facing the death penalty, much less incarcerated.”
Any trial costs money. Because capital punishment is the ultimate penalty, the law requires far more precautions than it does for a garden-variety murder case. So instead of one chief defense lawyer, the court appointed two lead lawyers who specialize in death-penalty cases to represent Mr. Basciano; both were paid $187 an hour. A third lawyer also was named to the defense team, and for a part of the case, a fourth lawyer wrote legal briefs.
The final bills for the defense have not been submitted, but as of April, they had reached $4.3 million. The trial transcript ran to more than 9,000 pages, and it was provided to lawyers every day.
The jury of 18 people, six of them alternates, sat through a trial that ran more than five weeks. They were taken out of their daily lives; in at least some cases, the businesses continued to pay their salaries.
How much did the case cost the government? It is safe to say that the four prosecutors on the case put in just as much time as the defense. They may not have been paid $187 an hour, but then again, their services are part of the overhead borne by the taxpayer.
“We don’t prosecute cases based on what it costs,” said Robert Nardoza, a spokesman for the United States attorney’s office in Brooklyn. “We just don’t put a price tag on it.”
- - - - -
/ / / / /
Steve Hall
The StandDown Texas Project
PO Box 13475
Austin, TX 78711
512.879.1675 (o
512.627.3011 (m
Skype: shall78711

Thursday, June 2, 2011

Alabama poised to execute another mentally retarded man

In spite of Federal law and defying same, Alabama prepares to execute Eddie D. Powell on June 16. Although in Atkins v. Virginia536 U.S. 304 (2002), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the matter, the following are noteworthy with regard to Powells's case:

From Project Hope to Abolish the Death Penalty (www.phadp.org)

"1. Under Supreme Court precedent (Atkins), people with mental retardation are supposed to be categorically spared from the death penalty. However, due to a procedural ruling during post-conviction proceedings in State court, Mr. Powell has never been given an evidentiary hearing on this issue beforeany court (State or federal). Alabama, therefore, stands poised to execute a man who was diagnosed with mental retardation in grade school, and remains a person with mental retardation to this day.

2. Ineffective assistance of counsel for failing to investigate the scope of Powell’s substance abuse prior to the crime.

3. Ineffective assistance of counsel during the penalty phase for failing to present a diagnosis of mild retardation dating back to the 5th grade; failing to present deprived background, intellectual and developmental impairments, multiple traumatic head injuries, early onset of substance abuse, parental neglect and abandonment, depression."

This is not an exeptional case in Alabama but characteristic of its history on the matter. Below please find the report from the American Psychiatric Association regarding mental retardation in response to Atkins. It is copied in full for your information regarding the details:

Approved by the Joint Reference Committee, September 2003
Approved by the Council on Psychiatry and Law, May 2003

"In its recent decision in Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), the United States Supreme Court ruled that the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against “cruel and unusual punishments” bars execution of mentally retarded offenders. At the time of the Atkins decision, 18 states and the federal government had already adopted laws categorically excluding defendants with mental retardation from the class of offenders convicted of capital crimes who are punishable by death, and several additional states, including Virginia, have adopted such statutes in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision. However, these statutes vary widely, and the Court’s opinion in Atkins gave the states little guidance about how to implement the ruling or about the features of the existing statutes that are either constitutionally required or constitutionally permissible. Legislatures throughout the country – or, more specifically, in the 38 states that enforce the death penalty -- are now reviewing their capital sentencing statutes in light of Atkins and a number of other recent Supreme Court rulings pertaining to capital sentencing procedures.
One of the striking aspects of the Atkins decision is that the constitutional prohibition appears to be framed in the language of a clinical diagnosis – “mental retardation” – and not in terms of a traditional legal concept, such as competence or responsibility. For this reason, state legislators can be expected to seek the guidance of psychiatrists and other mental health professionals in the drafting of post-Atkins statutes. This Resource Document aims to assist members of the APA’s district branches and other professional groups as they respond to legislative efforts to implement the Atkins decision in a way that is grounded in scientific knowledge and clinical experience and consistent with the Supreme Court’s ruling itself.
Many of the issues that need be resolved in drafting a post-Atkins statute are purely legal in nature and do not require or implicate psychiatric expertise. The two main legal issues are (1) who should bear the burden of persuasion on the issue of mental retardation and (2) whether an initial determination of the issue should be made in a pretrial hearing by the judge before the capital sentencing proceeding. Alternative approaches to these issues are reflected in the statutes of Virginia and New York, both of which are appended to this Resource Document.
This Resource Document addresses three issues of particular concern to psychiatrists and other mental health professionals:

1. the definition of mental retardation, and whether Atkins bars death sentences in a broader category of cases;
2. procedures to be followed by professionals who are charged with assessing whether capital defendants have mental retardation; and
3. qualifications of experts selected to conduct these evaluations and to offer expert opinion on the pertinent issues.

* * * *

Definition

A number of issues must be resolved in defining mental retardation, and state statutes reflect some variation on them.

1. The first issue is whether mental retardation in this context should be defined in terms of a clinical diagnosis or rather in terms of diminished capacity to engage in mental tasks thought to be especially relevant to the assessment of criminal responsibility. Almost every state statute takes the diagnostic approach rather than the diminished capacity approach, and the Council believes that a diminished capacity approach is inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s reasoning in Atkins. The Court’s opinion repeatedly describes its holding in terms of banning execution of “mentally retarded offenders,” and the excluded category is defined diagnostically (not in terms of diminished capacity) in 17 of the 18 state statutes (as well as the federal statute) to which the Court refers in concluding that a national consensus has emerged against execution of the mentally retarded. In a particularly pertinent passage, Justice Breyer noted that “[t]o the extent that there is serious disagreement about the execution of mentally retarded offenders, it is in determining which offenders are in fact retarded,” not whether defendants who are really retarded should be executed. In short, if a state were to define the excluded category in way that allowed a person with an undisputed diagnosis of mental retardation to be sentenced to death and executed, the Eighth Amendment would forbid the execution, and the statute would be unconstitutional as applied to that case.
2. Assuming that a diagnostic approach is taken, there are two main sources of definitional guidance– the Manual of the American Association of Mental Retardation and the APA’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual. Although these two manuals use somewhat different language, they are conceptually equivalent; each requires significant limitations in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior as well as developmental onset before the age of 18.
• In DSM-IV, mental retardation is defined as a disorder, with an onset before 18 years, characterized by “significantly subaverage intellectual functioning” and “concurrent deficits or impairments in present adaptive functioning in at least two of the following skill areas: communication, self-care, home living, social/interpersonal skills, use of community resources, self-direction, functional academic skills, work, leisure, health and safety.”

• In the 2002 AAMR Manual, mental retardation is defined as a disability originating before age 18, “characterized by significant limitations both on intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior as expressed in conceptual, social, and practical adaptive skills.”

The AAMR Manual was revised in 2002 and is the more recent of the two definitions. A state statute would be on safe ground in using either of these definitions, or some interweaving of the two. The Council has proposed alternative definitions, using the operative language of each of these two definitions in this Resource Document.
3. A key issue in legislative drafting has been whether “significant limitation in intellectual functioning” should be defined in terms of performance on so-called “IQ” tests and, if so, whether the definition should include specific reference to a cut-off score, as some state laws do. In the Council’s view, incorporation of a specific cut-off score is inappropriate, not only because different tests have different scoring norms, but also because designating a specific score ignores the standard error of measurement and attributes greater precision to these measures than they can support. The Council has defined a “significant limitation in intellectual functioning” as performance at least two standard deviations below the mean on an approved test rather than as a specific cut-off score.1

1. The most challenging issue is the definition of a “significant limitation in adaptive behavior” because the DSM and AAMR definitions use different language to operationalize the concept of adaptive functioning in terms of specific adaptive tasks. Because the concept is still being elaborated by experts in the field, standardized instruments are in a continuing process of development. It should be noted that the AAMR definition reflects the most recent scientific understanding of the concept of adaptive behavior. Under this conceptualization, explained in the AAMR Manual, the various skill areas mentioned in the previous AAMR definition and in the DSM-IV definition exemplify three basic domains of adaptive functioning (conceptual, social and practical). The Manual includes tables that sort various skills into these three domains, and explains how currently available instruments operationalize and measure adapative behavior.

2. Following the diagnostic approach endorsed in Atkins, the Council includes developmental origin in the definition (thereby excluding conditions involving deficits in intellectual and adaptive functioning acquired due to trauma or disease after age 18) on the ground that the Supreme Court’s decision to bar death sentences for persons with mental retardation is grounded in presumed deficits in moral reasoning arising from disordered development. None of the statutes upon which the Supreme Court relied in Atkins includes conditions acquired during adulthood, and such cases do not often arise. For anyone concerned that requiring developmental onset could lead to unfair treatment of defendants with adult-onset intellectual and adaptive deficits, it must be remembered that an individualized determination of diminished capacity at the time of the offense is still required for cases in which persons with subaverage intellectual functioning have not been categorically excluded under Atkins.

Statutory language for the two alternative definitions follows:

Based on AAMR Definition

Definition. -- Mental retardation is a disability, originating before the age of 18, characterized concurrently by (1) significant limitations in intellectual functioning, and (2) significant limitations in adaptive behavior as expressed in conceptual, social, and practical adaptive skills. “Significant limitations in intellectual functioning” means performance that is at least two standard deviations below the mean, considering the standard error of measurement for the specific instruments used, as well as their strengths and limitations in the context of the particular assessment.

Based on DSM Definition

Definition. -- Mental retardation is a disorder, with an onset before 18 years, characterized by significantly subaverage intellectual functioning and concurrent deficits or impairments in present adaptive functioning in at least two of the following skill areas: communication, self-care, home living, social/interpersonal skills, use of community resources, self-direction, functional academic skills, work, leisure, health and safety. “Significantly subaverage intellectual functioning” means performance that is at least two standard deviations below the mean, considering the standard error of measurement for the specific instruments used, as well as their strengths and limitations in the context of the particular assessment. 2

*******************************************

Assessment

In light of the “heightened need for reliability” in capital sentencing, it is particularly important to promote the highest quality of assessment and to minimize unnecessary variation from accepted professional standards. The diagnosis of mental retardation lends itself to greater specification of practice standards than other forensic assessments, and the Council has embraced the approach taken in the Virginia statute. Specifically, state laws should:

• require use of at least one standardized test for measuring intellectual functioning, administered in conformance with accepted professional practice by a person skilled in the administration, scoring and interpretation of such tests;
• encourage use of at least one standardized measure of adaptive behavior while recognizing ultimate need for clinical judgment;
• require efforts to obtain pertinent written records and to conduct interviews with people who have interacted with the defendant; and
• permit, but not require, the assessment of mental retardation to be combined with other mental health assessments conducted in the case and should provide all of the procedural protection applicable to other forensic mental health assessments in capital cases.

Assessment. – Assessments of mental retardation under this section shall conform to the following requirements:

(1) Assessment of intellectual functioning shall include administration of at least one standardized measure generally accepted by the field of mental health assessment and appropriate for administration to the particular person being assessed, taking into account cultural, linguistic, sensory, motor, behavioral and other individual factors. Testing of intellectual functioning should be carried out in conformity with accepted professional practice by a person skilled in the administration, scoring and interpretation of such tests, and, whenever indicated, the assessment should include information from multiple sources.

(2) Assessment of adaptive behavior shall be based on multiple sources of information, including clinical interview, psychological testing and educational, correctional, and vocational records, and shall include, whenever feasible, at least one standardized measure for assessing adaptive behavior, administered by a person skilled in the administration, scoring and interpretation of such instruments in accordance with methods generally accepted by the field of mental health assessment and appropriate for administration to the particular person being assessed, taking into account the environments in which the person has lived as well as cultural, linguistic, sensory, motor, behavioral and other individual factors. In reaching a clinical judgment regarding whether the person exhibits significant limitations in adaptive behavior, the examiner shall give performance on standardized measures whatever weight is clinically appropriate in light of the person’s history and characteristics and the context of the assessment.

(3) Assessment of developmental origin shall be based on multiple sources of information generally accepted in the field of mental health assessment, including, whenever available, educational, social service, medical records, prior disability assessments, parental or caregiver reports, and other collateral data, recognizing that valid clinical assessments conducted during the person’s childhood may not have conformed to current practice standards.

* * * *

Qualifications of Experts

The expert selected or appointed to conduct mental retardation evaluations in capital cases should be a psychiatrist or psychologist who is qualified by training and experience to make a diagnosis of mental retardation. The testing of intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior should be carried out by clinicians who have the necessary skill and experience. Finally, if the expert appointed or selected lacks training and experience in conducting forensic assessments and testifying in criminal adjudications, he or she should obtain a consultation with a psychiatrist or other qualified professional with such experience.

Qualifications of Experts – An expert appointed by the court to assess whether a capital defendant has mental retardation, or whose opinion is admitted into evidence on this issue, should be a psychiatrist or clinical psychologist who is qualified by training and experience to make a diagnosis of mental retardation. Standardized testing required under this section and relied upon by the appointed or testifying expert shall be carried out by a mental health professional skilled in the administration, scoring and interpretation of intelligence tests and measures of adaptive behavior. If the expert lacks training and experience in conducting forensic assessments and testifying in criminal adjudications, he or she should obtain a consultation with a psychiatrist or other qualified professional with such experience.
__________
1The DSM diagnostic criteria define significantly subaverage interllectual functioning as “an IQ of approximately 70 or below on an individually administered IQ test” (emphasis added). The accompanying text makes it clear that the score of 70 is meant to be an approximation of a score two standard deviations below the mean, taking into account the standard error measurement, for the particular instrument being used.
The Atkins rationale also extends, in the Council’s view, to some conditions in the category of “pervasive developmental disorders,” especially autism (DSM 299.00). Ideally, an exclusionary provision should include these disorders, and eventually the Council will attempt to develop appropriate statutory language. However, because these disorders are usually accompanied by mental retardation, none of the exclusionary statutes cover them, and no prosecutions appear to have been brought such cases, the Council concluded that proposing additional language at this time would unnecessarily complicate legislative efforts to respond to the Atkins decision in an expeditious manner.

2While otherwise adopting the AAMR definition, the Virginia legislature chose to use the DSM-IV language “significantly subaverage” intellectual functioning rather than “significant limitation in” such functioning, as used in the AAMR."

Representing 38,000 physician leaders in mental health.

© 2011 American Psychiatric Association. All Rights Reserved.
1000 Wilson Boulevard, Suite 1825, Arlington, Va. 22209-3901

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Ohio to alter execution for cancer-stricken inmate

By ANDREW WELSH-HUGGINS, AP Legal Affairs Writer

COLUMBUS, Ohio – Ohio will make it easier for an inmate who lost his larynx to cancer to make a final statement at his execution.

Prison officials are using the change as part of their argument that a federal judge should dismiss a lawsuit challenging Ohio's execution procedures.

The state will raise the gurney where Kenneth Smith will lie and let him keep one arm free to make it easier for him to use his artificial voice box. It would be the first time an Ohio inmate has not been completely strapped down since the state resumed the death penalty in 1999.

The 45-year-old Smith is scheduled to die July 19 for killing Lewis and Ruth Ray in their Hamilton home in 1995.
__

Andrew Welsh-Huggins can be reached at http://twitter.com/(hash)!/awhcolumbus

*As a former Otolaryngologist who performed this procedure on cancer patients, this article makes me shudder. Reminds me of justice officials medicating a pyschotic patient to make him sane to be executed. Without the medication he was not. Go figure.

Monday, April 11, 2011

The Prosecution Rests, but I Can’t

OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR

By JOHN THOMPSON

Published: April 9, 2011

New Orleans

Paddy Molloy

I SPENT 18 years in prison for robbery and murder, 14 of them on death row. I’ve been free since 2003, exonerated after evidence covered up by prosecutors surfaced just weeks before my execution date. Those prosecutors were never punished. Last month, the Supreme Court decided 5-4 to overturn a case I’d won against them and the district attorney who oversaw my case, ruling that they were not liable for the failure to turn over that evidence — which included proof that blood at the robbery scene wasn’t mine. Because of that, prosecutors are free to do the same thing to someone else today.

I was arrested in January 1985 in New Orleans. I remember the police coming to my grandmother’s house — we all knew it was the cops because of how hard they banged on the door before kicking it in. My grandmother and my mom were there, along with my little brother and sister, my two sons — John Jr., 4, and Dedric, 6 — my girlfriend and me. The officers had guns drawn and were yelling. I guess they thought they were coming for a murderer. All the children were scared and crying. I was 22.

They took me to the homicide division, and played a cassette tape on which a man I knew named Kevin Freeman accused me of shooting a man. He had also been arrested as a suspect in the murder. A few weeks earlier he had sold me a ring and a gun; it turned out that the ring belonged to the victim and the gun was the murder weapon.

My picture was on the news, and a man called in to report that I looked like someone who had recently tried to rob his children. Suddenly I was accused of that crime, too. I was tried for the robbery first. My lawyers never knew there was blood evidence at the scene, and I was convicted based on the victims’ identification.

After that, my lawyers thought it was best if I didn’t testify at the murder trial. So I never defended myself, or got to explain that I got the ring and the gun from Kevin Freeman. And now that I officially had a history of violent crime because of the robbery conviction, the prosecutors used it to get the death penalty.

I remember the judge telling the courtroom the number of volts of electricity they would put into my body. If the first attempt didn’t kill me, he said, they’d put more volts in.

On Sept. 1, 1987, I arrived on death row in the Louisiana State Penitentiary — the infamous Angola prison. I was put in a dead man’s cell. His things were still there; he had been executed only a few days before. That past summer they had executed eight men at Angola. I received my first execution date right before I arrived. I would end up knowing 12 men who were executed there.

Over the years, I was given six execution dates, but all of them were delayed until finally my appeals were exhausted. The seventh — and last — date was set for May 20, 1999. My lawyers had been with me for 11 years by then; they flew in from Philadelphia to give me the news. They didn’t want me to hear it from the prison officials. They said it would take a miracle to avoid this execution. I told them it was fine — I was innocent, but it was time to give up.

But then I remembered something about May 20. I had just finished reading a letter from my younger son about how he wanted to go on his senior class trip. I’d been thinking about how I could find a way to pay for it by selling my typewriter and radio. “Oh, no, hold on,” I said, “that’s the day before John Jr. is graduating from high school.” I begged them to get it delayed; I knew it would hurt him.

To make things worse, the next day, when John Jr. was at school, his teacher read the whole class an article from the newspaper about my execution. She didn’t know I was John Jr.’s dad; she was just trying to teach them a lesson about making bad choices. So he learned that his father was going to be killed from his teacher, reading the newspaper aloud. I panicked. I needed to talk to him, reassure him.

Amazingly, I got a miracle. The same day that my lawyers visited, an investigator they had hired to look through the evidence one last time found, on some forgotten microfiche, a report sent to the prosecutors on the blood type of the perpetrator of the armed robbery. It didn’t match mine; the report, hidden for 15 years, had never been turned over to my lawyers. The investigator later found the names of witnesses and police reports from the murder case that hadn’t been turned over either.

As a result, the armed robbery conviction was thrown out in 1999, and I was taken off death row. Then, in 2002, my murder conviction was thrown out. At a retrial the following year, the jury took only 35 minutes to acquit me.
The prosecutors involved in my two cases, from the office of the Orleans Parish district attorney, Harry Connick Sr., helped to cover up 10 separate pieces of evidence. And most of them are still able to practice law today.
Why weren’t they punished for what they did? When the hidden evidence first surfaced, Mr. Connick announced that his office would hold a grand jury investigation. But once it became clear how many people had been involved, he called it off.

In 2005, I sued the prosecutors and the district attorney’s office for what they did to me. The jurors heard testimony from the special prosecutor who had been assigned by Mr. Connick’s office to the canceled investigation, who told them, “We should have indicted these guys, but they didn’t and it was wrong.” The jury awarded me $14 million in damages — $1 million for every year on death row — which would have been paid by the district attorney’s office. That jury verdict is what the Supreme Court has just overturned.

I don’t care about the money. I just want to know why the prosecutors who hid evidence, sent me to prison for something I didn’t do and nearly had me killed are not in jail themselves. There were no ethics charges against them, no criminal charges, no one was fired and now, according to the Supreme Court, no one can be sued.

Worst of all, I wasn’t the only person they played dirty with. Of the six men one of my prosecutors got sentenced to death, five eventually had their convictions reversed because of prosecutorial misconduct. Because we were sentenced to death, the courts had to appoint us lawyers to fight our appeals. I was lucky, and got lawyers who went to extraordinary lengths. But there are more than 4,000 people serving life without parole in Louisiana, almost none of whom have lawyers after their convictions are final. Someone needs to look at those cases to see how many others might be innocent.

If a private investigator hired by a generous law firm hadn’t found the blood evidence, I’d be dead today. No doubt about it. A crime was definitely committed in this case, but not by me.

John Thompson is the director of Resurrection After Exoneration, a support group for exonerated inmates.

Friday, March 25, 2011

Second thoughts of a 'hanging judge'

March 25, 2011

A death sentence in California rarely leads to an execution. Let's stop the charade.

By Donald A. McCartin

In 1978, the first time Jerry Brown was governor of California, he appointed me to a judgeship in the Superior Court of Orange County. It was a gutsy move on his part, a liberal Democrat naming a right-wing Republican to the bench. I served there until 1993, after which I sat on assignment on death cases throughout California.

During that time, I presided over 10 murder cases in which I sentenced the convicted men to die. As a result, I became known as "the hanging judge of Orange County," an appellation that, I will confess, I accepted with some pride.

The 10 were deemed guilty of horrifying crimes by their peers, and in the jurors' view as well as mine they deserved to die at the hands of the state. However, as of today, not one of them has been executed (though one died in prison of natural causes).

I am deeply angered by the fact that our system of laws has become so complex and convoluted that it makes mockery of decisions I once believed promised resolution for the family members of victims.

That said, I have followed the development of legal thinking and understand why our nation's Supreme Court, in holding that "death is different," has required that special care be taken to safeguard the rights of those sentenced to death. Such wisdom protects our society from returning to the barbarism of the past. And though I find it discomfiting and to a significant degree embarrassing that appellate courts have found fault with some of my statements, acts or decisions, I can live with the fact that their findings arise out of an attempt to ensure that the process has been scrupulously fair before such a sentence is carried out.

I can live with it and, apparently, so can the men I condemned. The first one, Rodney James Alcala, whom I sentenced to die more than 30 years ago for kidnapping and killing 12-year-old Robin Samsoe, was, just last year, again sentenced to death for killing Samsoe and four other young women who, it has subsequently been determined, were his victims around the same time.

I need not go into the permutations of Alcala's legal journey. Behind bars since 1979, he has not harmed, nor can he harm, any other young women. But harm has been done, and that's what infuriates me. Robin Samsoe's mother has been revictimized time and time again as the state of California spent millions upon millions of dollars in unsuccessful attempts to finally resolve the case against her daughter's murderer.

Had I known then what I know now, I would have given Alcala and the others the alternative sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole. Had I done that, Robin's mother, Marianne, would have been spared the pain of 30 appeals and writs and retrial. She could have dealt then and there with the fact that her daughter's killer would be shut away, never again to see a day of freedom, and gone on to put her life together. And the people of California would have not have had to pay many millions of tax dollars in this meaningless and ultimately fruitless pursuit of death.

It makes me angry to have been made a player in a system so inefficient, so ineffective, so expensive and so emotionally costly.

I watch today as Gov. Brown wrestles with the massive debt that is suffocating our state and hear him say he doesn't want to "play games." But I cringe when I learn that not playing games amounts to cuts to kindergarten, cuts to universities, cuts to people with special needs — and I hear no mention of the simple cut that would save hundreds of millions of dollars, countless man-hours, unimaginable court time and years of emotional torture for victim's family members waiting for that magical sense of "closure" they've been falsely promised with death sentences that will never be carried out.

There is actually, I've come to realize, no such thing as "closure" when a loved one is taken. What family members must find is reconciliation with the reality of their loss, and that can begin the minute the perpetrator is sent to a prison he will never leave. But to ask them to endure the years of being dragged through the courts in pursuit of the ultimate punishment is a cruel lie.

It's time to stop playing the killing game. Let's use the hundreds of millions of dollars we'll save to protect some of those essential services now threatened with death. Let's stop asking people like me to lie to those victim's family members.

The governor doesn't have the power to end the death penalty by himself, but he can point the way. He could have a huge financial impact on California by following the lead of Illinois and commuting the sentences of the more than 700 men and women on California's death row to life without parole.
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Donald A. McCartin is a retired Superior Court judge.
Copyright © 2011, Los Angeles Times

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-mccartin-death-penalty-20110325,0,2340912.story

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Steve Hall